By Paul Iddon, Forbes
Greece’s military relations with the Persian Gulf monarchies of the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia have grown substantively over the past year and continue to grow. But just how significant are these relations?
In March, F-15 fighter jets of the Royal Saudi Air Force and their crew and supporting technicians arrived on the Greek island of Crete for the Eye of Falcon 1 exercises over the Mediterranean Sea.
This deployment is the latest example of the growing defense cooperation and relations between the two countries. Athens has also planned, since early 2020, to deploy some of its MIM-104 Patriot air defense missile systems to Saudi Arabia with “around 130 personnel” to help defend that kingdom’s energy infrastructure, which is repeatedly targeted by ongoing ballistic missile and drone attacks carried out by the Houthis in Yemen. On March 19, Greece “unequivocally” condemned one such drone strike targeting oil facilities in the Saudi capital Riyadh.
Defense relations between Greece and the UAE have grown even closer. In August 2020, the UAE deployed four of its air force’s F-16s to Crete amidst growing tensions between Greece and Turkey over their disputes concerning maritime boundaries and offshore resource rights in the East Mediterranean. That was a clear demonstration of solidarity between the two countries, which share strong opposition toward Turkey’s foreign policy.
The following November, the two countries signed a strategic partnership which, among other things, calls for each country to come to the aid of the other in the event their territorial integrity is threatened. Greece hailed the agreement, even going so far as to say it’s the most significant agreement it has entered since the end of the Second World War.
In February, Saudi, Emirati, and Bahraini officials congregated for a meeting in Athens, the Philia Forum, which was also attended by Cypriot and Egyptian officials, in, among other things, another show of support for Greece in the East Mediterranean dispute.
“The development of regional partnerships is a key pillar of Greek foreign policy,” George Tzogopoulos, a senior fellow at the Centre International de Formation Européenne and research associate at the Begin Sadat Centre for Strategic Studies (BESA) told me. “It is within this context that the improvement of relations between Greece and the UAE or Greece and Saudi Arabia can be better understood.”
“The February 2021 Athens ‘Philia Forum,’ for instance, where Greece, Cyprus, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Bahrain participated, is placed in this context.”
Greece has traditionally taken a balanced approach toward foreign affairs. As part of this approach, it seeks to preserve warm relations with the Palestinians while simultaneously elevating its partnership with Israel. Similarly, it aims to work with Saudi Arabia in a manner that doesn’t harm its cordial relations with Iran.
“The task is difficult,” Tzogopoulos said. “Tehran, for example, has noticed Greece’s decision to send Patriot missiles to Saudi Arabia and verbally complained.”
In a February 2021 speech, Greece’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Nikos Dendias once again sought to emphasize the defensive nature of the planned Patriot deployment.
“The government will sign an agreement with Saudi Arabia on the Patriot missiles,” he said. “But the Patriot missiles are not offensive weapons; they are defensive weapons. They are not directed against anyone. They defend one’s airspace.”
“Just to be clear,” he added. “Greece does not project aggressive power anywhere.”
New geopolitical developments in the Middle East in particular make it harder for Greece to maintain balance in its foreign relations.
“In its effort to better position itself in a new regional environment – as exhibited with the Abraham Accords [the 2020 peace and normalization agreements between Israel, the UAE, and other Arab states] – and empower its defense partnership with the USA, Greece has taken some initiatives that cannot always satisfy all Middle East countries,” Tzogopoulos said.
Despite this, Greece is unlikely to become deeply involved in “obscure military conflicts” that go far beyond its national interests.
“As far as the relationship between Greece and UAE are concerned, ties in the military field are strong and can be further strengthened,” Tzogopoulos said.
Numerous agreements signed between Greece’s Ministry of Defense and the General Command of the UAE armed forces point in this direction.
Additionally, more joint exercises are on the agenda. The Hellenic Navy frigate Hydra recently docked in the UAE’s Zayed Port. There is also the prospect of arms sales between the two allies in the foreseeable future.
Despite these undoubtedly significant developments, Tzogopoulos sincerely doubts that “the Greek-UAE cooperation scheme included a mutual defense clause due to different interests.”
“Although both countries criticize the behavior of Turkey, Greece would be naive to believe that other actors would come to its support in the case of a new crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean,” he said.
Accordingly, there are clear limits to this growing military cooperation, which is more of a partnership motivated by mutual self-interest and objectives rather than a formal alliance.
